耶穌言行的無政府性 (3)

耶穌對世人的愛源自上帝的愛,其超脫所謂男女之間的愛情或共同血緣之間的親情。基督信徒如此相信,世人亦應相信,上帝全知全能,知曉眾生困阨,這是一個「真理」。所以「神愛世人」。據傳統猶太教的典籍記載,上帝的愛似乎獨厚猶太族人。不過,基督宗教中耶穌以愛宣揚神的啟示,其關涉世上所有人類,因為上帝愛人係無私的,祂不分族類、不分長幼,不管社會地位的高低或身體的強壯懦弱。作為上帝的使者,耶穌擁有悲天憫人的神格。所以,耶穌在其人生及宗教實踐─例如對基督教義的宣揚上對人「一視同仁」。人人都是平等的,只要全心信仰上帝。比起權貴,耶穌更加親近平民及病弱者。這就是神的大愛的本質:福音並不專屬於一小撮教徒。這種解放的宗教實踐確確實實存在於耶穌的言論和行為中。

耶穌以愛作為一個真確的信念,作為一種超脫世俗藩籬的體現。此信念是以創造的意志和實踐表示出來。這並非意味「上帝」是由耶穌所創造。恰好相反,耶穌富有神人二格。上帝創造萬物的意志和實然係被耶穌的「神力」施展所兌證。耶穌的人生意義是以宣佈神對待每一個人都是平等而得以成全。耶穌沒有創造「上帝」,但其言行確實創造了一種人類關係的越界態勢。這種人與人之間的休戚相關不但超越男女情愛的框架,打破了親屬血緣關係的格局,更瓦解所謂國家民族意識型態對人的精神束縛。最後,全人類因不同地緣和語言所造成的疏離與隔閡被上帝的愛所消弭,使人類不分國族界限的理想:建立一個「神的國度」得以現實。創造作為無政府性之一,其實可從耶穌一生的宗教實踐中獲得兌證。

(摘自: 無政府與全球化. 台北: 國立政治大學. 2003)

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耶穌言行的無政府性 (2)

上帝憐憫、體恤萬民苦難,祂要世人知道苦難的原由:世界上每一個人都帶著永遠無法洗脫的原罪。我們無法追究這種罪的成因。人人生來就有罪,這根源於上帝創世之時,亞當與夏娃(Adam and Eve)因偷嚐「禁果」所犯下的。現世人類對這段「真理」陳述無法知道更多,亦無法挽回這個因欲望驅使所犯下的罪業。所以耶穌說:天國近了。在世界末日之時,上帝將審判所有人。凡未抱悔改之心的「罪人」,必下地獄。只有全心信仰基督、相信人子來世的目的是為了洗脫人們的罪,天堂之門是打開的,所有人將獲得永恆的生命。

在基督教教義裡,我們認識到「罪」這個概念的普全性質。沒有人從未犯過錯,所以人身上都帶有不同程度的罪。這並不是法律上的犯罪,而是一種道德的罪、由基督宗教所定義的罪。以規範一個概念的普全特性來進一步發展思想理論或教義的規模,其思考邏輯與斯多噶的基諾講人擁有「理性」相似。如上節所述,基諾認為人是理性的,所以人與人之間的關係是平等、休戚相關、是「自然」的。在此,基督教認為凡人必有罪,所以這個罪係必須被贖:耶穌代替我們贖了這個罪而犧牲生命,這個事體我們必須相信。不然,地獄就是死後唯一存身之場所。

下一個問題是,耶穌─上帝之子、「人子」、「彌賽亞」究竟依據什麼思想、理念、精神基礎去頂替人類面對死亡、為人贖罪?據《新約聖經》記載耶穌一生的言行來推斷,祂是基於「愛」─一種打破不同種族、長幼、社會階級等藩籬的大愛為人去贖這個根本之罪。

(摘自: 無政府與全球化. 台北: 國立政治大學. 2003)

No Relationship with the Cultural Difference between the East and the West (10)

In conclusion, through the above analysis we recognize that there are three essential characteristics shared by the media movement practices of “Inmediahk.net” and “Coolloud.org” in Hong Kong and Taiwan. This recognition provides us with an opportunity to open up a new approach to reconstructing our knowledge of the socio-political structure of the modern “China”. The first discovered characteristic of the practices proves that the two media activisms do not “fall behind” in the present trend of social movement development on the scene of globalization: the media’s social actions are closely integrated with people’s living not only in the local but also in the global. The other two characteristics: “no label” and “having no relationship with cultural difference between the East and the West” are both fresh discoveries that allow us to understand the present “China” in a new sense. In fact, the future development of the “China” heavily depends on how Chinese people appropriately position their complex identity and traditional intellectual heritage in order to (re)construct a collective or cohesive historical consciousness belonging to the whole Chinese society. This thinking for linking up the “new” with the “old”: an attempt to reveal the profound relationship between the present “China” and some of the Chinese traditional thoughts is significant that would help us mend the “civilization crack” made by the Wars, clarify the social position of the ancient heritage in the modern and rethink the civilization problems endured by the Chinese nowadays. Relative contents will be completely presented in the next chapter of Conclusion.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

No Relationship with the Cultural Difference between the East and the West (9)

“The Internet cannot supersede the social position of independent media. However, it has a role in facilitating social movement practice and furthering the positive development of local media circumstance. The case of ‘Inmediahk.net’ is an example reflecting the embodiment of internet media activism. Nowadays, independent media and the Internet are not the new things (for social movement practice). In fact, independent media is not the ‘leader’, but an organic part of social movement practice which helps create some significant moments for realizing a social activistic spirit, producing various kinds of political relationship between people that generate a practical approach to social development. This is generally ignored by the public, waiting for us to discover. [1]

According to Ip’s thinking, the major aim of running an internet independent media is to “catalyze” a possible change of the socio-political reality encountered by global/local citizens, providing an alternative media approach for people to understand more about the “real” in order to terminate the monopolization of media space in the social dimension, deconstructing the ideological restriction on the development of human’s intellectual in modernity. The practice of the media movement helps construct a kind of substantive public opinion on the Internet for sustaining a social concern environment through encouraging people’s spontaneous journalistic actions, such as reporting social issues or political debates. The point is everyone can promote their unique ideas and point of views publicly. Ideally, the social intrusive influence of mass media supported by world governments and global capitalists would be “neutralized” by independent media’s activism.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

[1] See: Ip, Iam-Chong (2007). Small Media, Big Issue. Hong Kong: Step forward. p. 96.

No Relationship with the Cultural Difference between the East and the West (8)

Therefore, we can see the independent media in the Chinese develop their own strategies to tackle the challenges coming from the political powers that are influenced by the long history of feudalism and the civilization of the centralization of power of Chinese politics. Although “Inmediahk.net” and “Coolloud.org” are working under a relatively close social circumstance, they are still doing their independent media works by trying to extend their social influence based on the distinctive historical legacy in the East. The ingredients of the visible and invisible pressure, including the Communist China’s one-party dictatorship as the scar on the people’s spirit, and even the burden of the intellectual traditions like Confucianism and others, directly cause the Chinese to be more conservative that they are so reluctant to face any radical change of the status quo of the “China”. Against this background, capitalism, renamed as the “socialism with Chinese characteristics” in the Mainland from the West, has become the only approach for Chinese people to settling their social value allowed by the ruling since the 1980s. As we can see, the social atmosphere of not only the parts but the whole Chinese society is impacted by the ideologies of materialism and commercialism that is unfavorable to social movement practice. Notwithstanding, the media activisms in Hong Kong and Taiwan both show the Chinese are not the “outsiders” of the development of globalization. The “China”, like other “developed societies” in the world, is also the land nurturing the evolvement of the internet social movement with a solidarity spirit against political power as part of anti-globalization movement contributed by people’s goodwill for well-being.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

No Relationship with the Cultural Difference between the East and the West (7)

The Mainland, Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macau are all the major parts of the Chinese society, which can be seen as a single “Greater China (大中華區域)” or “Cultural China (文化中國)”, sharing their involvement in making the complicated structure of Chinese history. The vicissitudinous development of the “China” is based on the sudden changing of political climate and social reality on the ideological separate land. As mentioned above, independent media is a form of social movement practice in the contemporary that people use digital information technology as an instrument to facilitate social communication and to create a social power to influence the tendency of public opinion for political reform that would directly challenge the stable governance of the authorities. This is the core point explaining why independent media in the Chinese cannot have an influential role like their counterparts in the West: the media movement practices are actually bearing the “visible” and “invisible” pressure from the political powers. For instance, “Coolloud.org” is not legally recognized as a “media” by the authorities, the visible; the Taiwanese government does not encourage people to have contact with the information provided by the independent media through allowing the serious monopolization of the media space in the society, the invisible. One more example: it is impossible to publicly carry out any bottom-up social movement in the Mainland because freedom of speech is never respected under the Chinese Communist Party’s ruling. These facts demonstrate politics is of the major factor causing the difficult development of the media social movement in the “China”. In the past few decades, a social condition was given that there was still a room for local activists and individuals to practice independent media movement in Hong Kong and Taiwan, despite the political hindrance. This evidences there is always a social need for developing a free media approach to crying out for criticizing political powers’ wrongdoing and to realizing the facilitation of open communication among global citizens as well as to reflecting the “real” of society, both in the East and in the West. Independent media is one of such important approaches to social movement practice breeding a substantive social power to improve the quality of human civilization in the age of globalization.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

No Relationship with the Cultural Difference between the East and the West (6)

The core factor causing the form of different approaches to the independent media movement in different civilization bodies is, according to Ip, the power of political pressure. Needless to say, the distance between the East and the West is a truth, reflecting in the aspects of culture, tradition and thinking logic. However, the two civilization bodies both have the same demand for the realization of people’s value, including the voice from grassroots. It is because political power is always functioning under different names in different civilizations. Here, we can see the practice of independent media movement as a bold attempt of different peoples to embody a common humanistic value. Therefore, the forming of different approaches to the media activism should be ongoing based on the close relationship between the actual quality of the distinctive activisms and the socio-political realities in different civilizations because the development of the media movement would be directly impacted by the vicissitudinous political climate in different worlds. Following this reasoning, any judgment on evaluating the value of the social movement practice, such as: “the development of Western independent media is more ‘successful’ than the Chinese’s”, would be one-sided because different degree of political freedom enjoyed by the peoples just nurtures different approaches to social movement practice that is not related to different cultural logic between the East and the West. Obviously, Ip suggests the heavier political pressure on people is the major factor causing the lack of feedback from the Chinese towards the independent media activisms in Hong Kong and Taiwan. The “IMC” can be influential in the West because it works in a relatively open socio-political circumstance that allows the media activists to do so. That is why Ip has such distinctive opinion on this social movement issue.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

No Relationship with the Cultural Difference between the East and the West (5)

Compared with the Western media activism, there is a room for the independent media in the Chinese society to improve the methodology of their social movement practice. However, the same question is still here: what is the core factor causing this kind of “distance” between the Chinese’s and the Western’s? Is it related to the so-called “cultural difference” between the two civilization bodies[1]?

“Of course, there are some differences between the media activisms in the Chinese and in the West. However, are the differences related to culture? I do not think so. In fact, there are different political and social conditions for different communities in different countries of the world. Even in the entire Chinese society there are different political conditions for social movement practice. For example, the independent media movements in Taiwan and Hong Kong actually share different forms of media organization operation under specific socio-political circumstances. In the Mainland, it is impossible to carry out any social movement for any purpose because of the ‘special political climate’. General media in China are all monitored by the Communist Party. So, the factor causing the differences between the Chinese’s and the Western’s, from my point of view, is not connected with culture, but politics: how much pressure is put on the people in the political sense is just the core problem.” [2]

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

[1] For example, there are cultural differences between the peoples in the East and in the West: “Dr, Richard Nisbett, professor of psychology at the University of Michigan, observed in the New York Times in August 2000 that, ‘Asians [in a study conducted by Nisbett] tended to be more holistic showing greater attention to context, a tolerance for contradiction and less dependence on logic. Westerners were more analytic, avoiding contradiction, focusing on objects removed from their context, and more reliant on logic.’” See: Ng, Tai P. (2007). Chinese Culture, Western Culture. USA: iUniverse. p. 27.

[2] The content of the passage is extracted from the “Ip’s interview”.

No Relationship with the Cultural Difference between the East and the West (4)

Different from the Oriental’s thinking logic, the West has a long history of positioning and categorizing the “unknown” by constructing a stronghold of absolute knowledge system. For this, the rise of natural science[1] is a good example. The construction of so-called scientific knowledge as a Western civilization tradition has affected people’s spirit, thinking logic and way of life in every aspect of human society. In social sciences, the impact of the development of the scientific spirit embodies in the inclination of trying to present a “fixed picture” of social phenomenon: taking social movement practice as an example, why the people do it; how the people carry out the movement; what the major factors are the causes of the movement; what the approaches to participating in the movement are provided at the specific moment are all needed to be studied in the scientific methodology. Therefore, from this point we can understand the practice form of the independent media movement in the West is impacted by this kind of reasoning: for instance, social movement activists would carry out their action by creating a “systemic tool” for promoting their practice – building up an online website or blog as a public communicative platform for expanding their social influence. By clicking on the platform, people can understand the movement’s idealism and practical goal in an ordered context. After that, they can decide whether they want to support the activism ongoing. Through this approach, people’s social power can be brought together and strengthened further effectively.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

[1] “By the mid-nineteenth century, science was having an ever-greater impact on European life. The Scientific Revolution of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries had fundamentally transformed the Western worldview and led to a modern, rational approach to the study of the natural world….Moreover, the technical advances of the early Industrial Revolution had depended little on pure science and much more on the practical experiments of technologically oriented amateur inventors. Advances in industrial technology, however, fed an interest in basic scientific research, which in the 1830s and afterward resulted in a rash of basic scientific discoveries that were soon converted into technological improvements that affected everybody. …The steadily increasing and often dramatic material gains generated by science and technology led to a growing faith in the benefits of science. The popularity of scientific and technological achievement produced a widespread acceptance of the scientific method, based on observation, experiment, and logical analysis, as the only path to objective truth and objective reality.” See: Spielvogel, Jackson J. (2010). Western Civilization. USA: Cengage Learning. p. 783.

No Relationship with the Cultural Difference between the East and the West (3)

Secondly, it seems Ip does not satisfy with the participation situation of local independent media in the Anti-WTO Movement, suggesting more positive feedback from the public to the movement should be given at that time. As mentioned, only four independent media participated in reporting the development of the dissenting movement in Hong Kong. The major work of the local independent media was offering the fresh news about the ongoing on their media platforms. However, compared with the foreign activists’ performance the media’s was “not enough”, according to Ip. Although the independent media had provided an alternative viewpoint for the movement that was different from the mainstream’s, it is still insufficient to effectively expand the social influence of the anti-globalization movement. For example, to establish an integrated media platform on the Internet for promoting the core value of the movement is a practical way to accumulate social power. Through the platform, people can search out integrated information related to the concerned conveniently[1]. The question is this: what is the core factor causing the different degrees of “maturity” of the media movement practices in the Chinese and in the West?

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

[1] Besides the “IMC”, we can take a look at the “Occupy Wall Street Movement” as example. As introduced in Chapter One, the “Occupy Wall Street Movement” is one of the anti-globalization movements ongoing. On the movement’s official website, we can find out a lot of information, such as the history, the participation guidelines, the useful tools (e.g. forum, chatroom and map) and the up-to-date news of the social movement. Through the media platform, people are easy to step into the movement developing. This case reflects social movement practitioners and activists in the West look more “sophisticated” in carrying out their action with a methodology of asking why, what and how for such practice. At this point, the independent media in the Chinese are very easy to be seen as “immature”, still working in a “developing” stage for their social movement practice.

No Relationship with the Cultural Difference between the East and the West (2)

“The local independent media participating in the social movement (Anti-WTO Movement in Hong Kong, 2005) were ‘Inmediahk.net’, ‘E-Politics21’, ‘People’s Radio Hong Kong (香港人民廣播電台)’ and ‘Video Power (錄影力量)’ only…. On the contrary, lots of foreign activists and alternative media at the time provided abundant commentating analyses, video footages and media materials about the global economic powers: the ‘G8’, ‘WTO’, and transnational corporations and the real-time development of the social movement. Through the information, people can know more and follow the ongoing progress of the movement. In our opinion, how to further expand the social influence of independent media is still an unsolved issue….[1]

First, Ip Iam Chong has his observation and opinion on the participation of “Inmediahk.net” in the “Anti-WTO Movement” in 2005. He argues foreign independent media practitioners and social activists in the movement were playing an important role in not only giving their energy to the dissenting movement, but providing sufficient information materials for global citizens and local people to further understand why the movement had been developed against the dominative blocs. All data, including texts, articles, multimedia files and photographs, were compiled by voluntary activists and campaigners, open to the public on the Internet. The circulation of the knowledge would encourage more people to participate in the anti-Establishment activism and facilitate the form of a powerful public opinion in Hong Kong. In a broad sense, these media works done by the sophisticated activistic practitioners helped enlarge the social influence of the movement, pressuring the “WTO” member states and local government to give more room for world citizens to realize the economic freedom and to stop any despotic decision-making for the interest of the rich around the world.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

[1] See: Ip, Iam-Chong (2007). Small Media, Big Issue. Hong Kong: Step forward. pp. 68-69.

No Relationship with the Cultural Difference between the East and the West

In the practical aspect, there have been many differences between the independent media movement in Hong Kong and Taiwan and their counterparts in the Western world because social movements in the East (e.g. the Chinese societies) and the West are developing under different social conditions, bearing dissimilar political challenges and historical burdens. Generally speaking, “independent media” is a term firstly used by Western society for describing a new form of media for social movement practice. In Chapter Three and Four, we have analyzed the present situation of the independent media movements in the Chinese societies. We find out that the two activistic media do have their distinctive opinions and unique ideas for their social movement practices. However, their operation has some limitations, such as relatively difficult to motivate more locals to participate in social action through media activism. On the other hand, there is a common image of that Western independent media, like the “IMC”, are seen to be more active and sophisticated, keen to integrate the media running with an organizational expansion strategy[1]. It seems that they receive more attention from the global society than the independent media in Hong Kong and Taiwan.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

[1] For discussing the American “IMC”, Ip has shared his understanding: “There is a formal procedure for media movement activists to participate in the global ‘IMC’ project. If someone wants to establish an independent media platform in his or her country (or city) by using the logo of the ‘IMC’, he/she has to sign a contract with the media organization, having an obligation to promote the ‘independent media value’ defined by the ‘IMC’, to carry out the configuration standardization of the media website and to ensure the free-sharing of social movement information.” (The content is extracted from the ‘Ip’s interview’) For more details, please refer to the “IMC” official website.

No “Label” (6)

Independent media is one of the major forms of social movement practice based on the popularization of the use of the Internet and the rapid development of information technology in globalization. This kind of social movement practice is never come into existence in the past ages of human history. Hence, it is reasonable to say there would be lack of integral theory for analyzing and interpreting the significance of the social activism. Against this humanistic background, the two independent media’s founders Ip and Sun both understand that there could be no theory that can appropriately explain or interpret their local-globalized media activisms on the scene of globalization. Moreover, they both agree it is of no use to facilitate the future development of the independent media movements through idolizing a fixed principle, thought or ideology (e.g. the Left) as a “flag (label)” for positioning their social role. The operating strategy of “Inmediahk.net” and “Coolloud.org” must be timely adjusted based on the instant feedback from the public, the changing attitude of governments towards their activisms, the happening of social and political events and the developing tendency of the unstable world society. All in all, the two independent media’s opinion about not using a “label” to define their social movements not only allows their practices to be running in a high degree of flexibility, but also helps create a completely open stance on fostering the ideal development of world social activism contributed by all campaign groups and NGOs around the globe.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

No “Label” (5)

Similar to the alienation of the use of currency, the reasoning method of “induction” – to label social phenomena by linking up known theories, thoughts and principles and by categorizing things as a typical approach to “scientific knowledge production” – is to be impotent and needed to be reflected nowadays. Through labeling, we seem to have deeper understanding on the things studied. However, by following this approach we would unconsciously ignore the importance of the nature and characteristics of the things developing within distinctive historical contexts when enjoying the “academic achievement” brought by the doing, being misled by the “power of human knowledge” based on the so-called “absolute effectiveness of the method endorsed by the name of “science”, blurring our original goal for understanding the existing within the Nature on the Earth. Human beings are not the “creator” of the world, but created by the world. However, human knowledge labeled by “science” makes everyone believe in it without reflection. This is a very obstacle of human civilization progression. Therefore, it is certain to say when we get used to put any social phenomena into a fixed understanding system of human knowledge development through labeling things, we lose a significant opportunity to rediscover the only world without the interference from power.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

No “Label” (4)

In Chapter Two, we have discussed currency (or money) as an authorized instrument for the convenience of value exchange in the human world. The aim of using currency is to give out a “standard” for settling the value of things. In globalization, the use of the value-counting instrument becomes a “necessary” for all kinds of economic exchange. The dominance of the use of currency in economy completely controls and directs the evolution of modern society. Obviously, the role of the instrument has gone beyond its original. Today, currency has become a weapon used by world superpowers to solidify their economic power: the fluctuation of exchange rate of global currencies and the universal inflation of world economy are all negative side-effects of the “currency war” triggered by the U.S., China, and Japan against other countries. Through “quantitative easing”[1], they can artificially control the supply and demand of economy by altering the value of domestic currency for “economic competition success”. This is an ongoing catastrophe for all human beings, which proves that the use of currency does not benefit the development of human well-being, but violates peoples’ daily life that is not parallel to its original role.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

[1] “Quantitative easing usually means that the central bank sets up a goal of high rates of increase in the monetary base or money supply and provides liquidity in the economy so as to achieve the goal.” See: Reinert, Kenneth A.; Rajan, Ramkishen S.; Glass, Amy Joycelyn; Davis, Lewis S. (2009). The Princeton Encyclopedia of the World Economy. New Jersey: Princeton University. p. 738. “Quantitative easing essentially involved an audacious printing of US dollars, and thus relied on the willingness of foreign investors and central banks to continue to hold dollars; it served as the strongest reminder to date of the special ongoing attractiveness of the dollar. Although the loose monetary policy lowered the price of the American dollar, it did not undermine its status, or role, as the global currency. Other states faced a Hobson’s choice. A lower dollar devalued their holdings of US assets, undermined the relative competitiveness of the economies, and – as excess dollars found their way abroad – aggravated inflationary pressures. But given these states’ structural positions within global capitalism, and their economic ambitions, they saw no option but to continue to hold and even increase their dollar holdings. Although there was no little handwringing at home and abroad about the potentially inflationary effects of quantitative easing, inflation was not a problem in the US, especially given the continuing weakness of American labor, and this was reinforced by high unemployment. As for Europe, although quantitative easing did provide additional liquidity for European banks, inflation was also not a serious problem there. This was because European governments had already been forced to move so far in the direction of austerity by the toll financial markets had exacted on the bond sales that many of them needed to cover fiscal deficits following the bailouts of their banks and decline in tax revenue. It was capitalism’s emerging market states that experienced significant inflation (ranging from 15 to 30 per cent in Brazil, Russia, India, and China in 2010-11); this was spurred by higher growth rates, and monetary policies that could not stray far from the objective of keeping currencies aligned with the dollar.” See: Gindin, Sam; Panitch, Leo (2012). The Making of Global Capitalism. London: Verso. p. 326.

No “Label” (3)

Some sociologists are so keen to analyze the historical development of social movement. They categorize and compare known theories and practice cases of social movement in human society in different ages, creating various specialized terms for labeling the “new”, trying to facilitate the structuring of knowledge systematization. For example, the term “Left/Right Wing” is commonly used as ideology which refers to a group of individuals who hold specific positions, ideas or opinions on how people should live in politics, economics, and humanities categorized by academicians on the intellectual scene. Also, the so-called “-ism” is another one for solidifying any theories.

Generally speaking, this labeling behaviour of knowledge makers can be significant: it contributes to the enlightenment of human understanding. However, the behaviour simultaneously produces many negative effects on civilization development, such as ossifying people’s thinking, causing power fetishism under the “scientific umbrella”, etc., that does not conform to the original aim of the doing. Here, “derailing from its original” is a kind of alienation, which is one of the characters of human developing tendency.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

The Contents: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement – Case Studies of the Independent Media in Hong Kong and Taiwan

Chapter One The Introduction
Section 1 The Contemporary World and Anti-Globalization Movement
Section 2 What is Independent Media?
Section 3 The Contemporary Development of the Chinese Societies
Section 4 The Independent Media – “Inmediahk.net” and “Coolloud.org”
Section 5 Globalization and the Media Activism
Section 6 The New Approach to Understanding the Contemporary China
Chapter Two The Theories Inspiring Anti-Globalization Movement – Anti-Capitalism and the Reflection on Democracy
Section 1 The Meaning of Globalization: From Ulrich Beck’s Vision and the Rise of Anti-Globalization
Part 1 The Connotation of the Terms: Anti-/Alter-Globalization
Part 2 Alter-Globalization Movement Promoted by “WSF” & “ATTAC”
Section 2 Anti-Globalization on the Economic Issue: Capitalism and Its Problems
Part 1 The Base of the Economic Inequality: Pierre-Joseph Proudhon Criticizing the “Property”
Part 2 The Quantification of Capitalism Violating the Nature – Murray Bookchin’s Reflection on “Environmentalism”
Section 3 Anti-Globalization on the Political Issue: The Reflection on Representative Democracy
Part 1 From the Beginning of Democracy: K.H.Z. Solneman’s Viewpoints and Weakness of Global Governmental Power
Part 2 Constructing a New Form of Political Power: The Games between Governments
Chapter Three Independent Media as the Anti-Globalization Movement in Hong Kong: “Inmediahk.net”
Section 1 From Globalization to the Development of the Chinese Independent Media
Section 2 The History of Independent Media in Hong Kong
Section 3 The Beginning of “Inmediahk.net”
Section 4 The Funding Issue of the Media
Section 5 The Effects of “Inmediahk.net”
Section 6 The Stance of Anti-Monopoly
Section 7 The Connection between “Inmediahk.net” and the Mainland China
Chapter Four Independent Media as the Anti-Globalization Movement in Taiwan: “Coolloud.org”
Section 1 The Socio-Political Background of Modern Taiwan
Section 2 The Main Works of the Media
Section 3 The Social Background of the Beginning of the Media
Section 4 Anti-Globalization and “Coolloud.org”
Section 5 As a Kind of Diversified Social Movement
Section 6 The Viewpoints on Mainstream Media
Section 7 Reflecting on the Media’s Funding Issue
Section 8 Connected with Social Movement Organizations
Section 9 The Differences between “Inmediahk.net” and “Coolloud.org”
Section 10 The Objection to “Principle”
Section 11 The Difficulties and Challenges
Chapter Five The Characteristics of the Independent Media in Hong Kong and Taiwan
Section 1 The Qualitative Influence of the Independent Media
Section 2 Playing a Role in the Developing History of Independent Media
Section 3 No “Label”
Section 4 No Relationship with the Cultural Difference between the East and the West
Conclusion The Daoist Characters of the Independent Media and Modern China
Section 1 Anti-Globalization Movement as an “Ecology” of Human Society
Section 2 The Daoist logic of “Coolloud.org”: The Abandonment of “Name (名)”
Section 3 The World without Discrimination: From Yu Ying-Shih’s “Introversive Culture” to Ip Iam Chong’s “Political Matter”
Section 4 “Open Structure”: The Contemporary Interpretation of Daoism Inspired by the Media Movement
Reference

目錄:無政府與全球化-論無政府在現今全球政治經濟社會發展的意義

第一章 總論

第一節 前言
第二節 基礎與前提
第三節 研究方法
第四節 文本脈絡
第五節 政府的本質就是統治
第六節 法律的正義─懲罰的困窘
第七節 資本家與政府的掛鉤
第八節 全球化發展下民族國家政府的主權喪失
第九節 無政府的可能性

第二章 無政府主義(Anarchism)的歷史溯源

第一節 道家老子《道德經》中的無政府主義元素
一.道與自然
二.道的性質
三.道與政治的關係
四.合乎道的理想社會
五.老子解放主義政治思想述評
第二節 古希臘哲學尾端的餘韻─斯多噶(Stoa)學派的基諾(Zeno of Citium)
一.基諾的自然
二.順從與和諧
三.休戚相關與理性
四.基諾無政府哲學思想述評
第三節 耶穌基督(Jesus Christ)的無政府性
一.無政府性釋義
(一)創造-人以原初本能表達對權力的異議
(二)反政府-反抗權力宰制的具體立場
(三)無財主支配-以自給自足對抗經濟壟斷
二.耶穌言行的無政府性

第三章 無政府主義─無政府(Anarchy)概念及理論

第一節 無政府的定義及其概念
第二節 無政府的反證
第三節 人性論的檢討
第四節 俯視觀點的缺陷
第五節 自由作為無政府主義的最終基礎
第六節 無政府主義的經濟面向─
蒲魯東(P. J. Proudhon)對所有權(Property)的論證
一.什麼是所有權?
二.資本家以所有權名義對工人剝削
三.平等的詭論
四.對所有權的反證
五.所有權作為政府存有的根本基礎
六.舉出現實例證並作結論
第七節 無政府主義的政治社會面向─
克魯泡特金(P. Kropotkin)的自由契約與互助
一.契約概念與自由契約
二.罪惡與懲罰
三.公共譴責及其作用
四.互助─隱性支撐社會構成的基礎
五.互助使進化得以實現
六.互助與人性的關係

第四章 全球化與無政府 

第一節 全球化(Globalization)及其意涵
第二節 經濟全球化的本質、影響及其問題
一.經濟全球化造成貧富懸殊
二.「美國標準」的操控
三.資本主義經濟全球化對文化價值的侵害
四.經濟全球化的「解政治」性質及其問題
第三節 全球化的哲學反省及其無政府特徵─從貝克(U. Beck)談起
一.全球主義(Globalismus)、全球性(Globalität)及全球化(Globalisierung)
二.有關全球文化聚合的論點
三.全球化的質性研究
四.世界社會的無政府面貌

第五章 無政府與現今全球形勢之間的關聯

第一節 人的存有條件中有關無政府的分析
第二節 無政府力量的作用─以嚴重急性呼吸道症候群(SARS)為例證
一.政府的指揮抑或民眾的配合
二.醫護人員無私作戰
三.民間志願團體參與協力
第三節 全球各國政府的聯合作用
一.政經強權聯合的目的和意義
二.歷史上國家政府聯合的具體事實
三.國家成為經濟體
第四節 反全球化運動(Anti-Globalization Movement)與無政府
一.反全球化的由來、議題及與全球化之間的關係
(一)反全球化來自對於全球化作用的顛覆
(二)對美國帝國主義與戰爭的反抗
(三)反對生活資源的侵略和片面瓜分
(四)地球環境問題的關注
(五)反全球化是全球化的一部份
二.無政府作為反全球化的基礎
(一)自發行動
(二)多元包容
(三)顛覆權力

結論 權力、資本與人本─一種對人類社會的未來憧憬

第一節 作為一個出發點的思考
第二節 去中心與地方化
第三節 資本主義價值觀與人本生活之間

參考文獻

No “Label” (2)

In different ages of human civilization, social movements develop based on different historical backgrounds and social conditions, affected by particular immediate causes of political events. Most researchers in the past tended to analyze social movement by giving out their thinking with the so-called “academic methodology”: constructing a new theory for explaining the social phenomenon. This reflects a process of the form of social movement theory. On the other hand, there were many social movement activists around the world who were suppressed by the ruling when carrying out their actions. These people were inspired by radical ideas or social movement thoughts. Here, we discover a causal relationship between theory and practice of social movement. Great thinkers concerned the “why” of social problems in the past ages. Their thinking was influenced by people’s voices and actions for well-being at the time. Then, an understanding on the activistic phenomenon was created. In another context, social movement practitioners were enlightened by great thinkers’ understanding and carried out their actions or campaigns in their volatile generations. This progressive chemistry between theory and practice of social movement is made by a series of thought-action interactions embedded in an ecological developing logic of human history, stimulating the further development of human civilization continuously.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

No “Label”

One of the main characteristics of the practice of the two independent media movements is the absence of “labeling” for social movement practice. Label can be a functional implement, which is always being used in the process of knowledge production: for indicating what the understood object, phenomenon or principle “is”. Sometimes, by labeling things it is helpful to deliver a basic understanding on a particular to other people. However, this typical behaviour can be intentionally or unintentionally practiced that would mislead people’s thinking on various values and social phenomena. Through the above research on the media movements in Hong Kong and Taiwan, we discover that “Inmediahk.net” and “Coolloud.org” both reject to be “labeled” by any rigid ideology or abstract concept. For example, when the founder of “Coolloud.org” Sun Chiung-Li talks about the core value of the media movement practice, he consciously avoids using a single theory or a specific term as a label to express, describe or conclude the spiritual basis of the media activism. In the following, we will further discuss the significance of the rejection of labeling for social movement development.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)