無政府性釋義 (5)

(2) 反政府-反抗權力宰制的具體立場

無政府性反映一種反政府的具體立場、思維和行動。「政府」的存在代表著絕對權力的在場,作為主宰人的政治生活的建制機構。起初,反政府所針對的並不是某個特定統治機關的存在事實,其實係針對宰制本身:反政府反對任何權力對人的宰制、反對所有在上位者為了延續其統治和利益所施行的各種不合公義和倫理的作為,並批判其無視民眾百姓的霸權態度。

反政府的實踐可以是以群眾集會、抗議、示威遊行、甚至政治革命的形式出現。另一方面,反政府亦可以其他方式進行,例如文學、音樂等藝術創作來反映其精神本質。反政府從反對政府的施政出發,以至反對政府的建制架構及其存有的理論基礎,進而發展成為一種無政府的具體主張或思想。無政府性藉此體現。

(摘自: 無政府與全球化. 台北: 國立政治大學. 2003)

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The Qualitative Influence of the Independent Media (6)

Internet independent media, however, have certain degree of limitation on influencing the globalizing circumstance, which depends on: (1) how much political pressure would be put on people’s daily life; (2) how the changing tendency of social atmosphere is going to be; and (3) what the distinctive nationalities or values held by the majorities are. For example, the “IMC” played an important role in catalyzing the “Anti-WTO Movement” in Seattle in 1999. During the movement, the U.S. government, the host of the WTO conference in the year, adopted a typical public security strategy (e.g. to deploy “sufficient” police forces at the locale of the conference, etc.) to suppress the activism on the street. However, the public, including the local and the global ones, is willing to respect and support the dissenting voices delivered by the independent media: the monstrous organization having the absolute power to make the rules to control the development of world economy must be criticized and reviewed immediately. At least, the “IMC” has room to clearly express its anti-Establishment stance by exercising the right of free speech to carrying out such kind of social movement that was recognized as a significant rise of global media activism.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

The Qualitative Influence of the Independent Media (5)

Thirdly, “Inmediahk.net” and “Coolloud.org” both realize that their media social movements are being carried out in the context of globalization. For the two media, the primary aim of the practices is to enlarge their influence on the current development of civil society in a globalization era. Basically speaking, the Internet can have a role in this concern. And, the running of the internet-based independent media can help consolidate people’s consciousness on public issues and create a solidarity spirit for global citizens. Thanks to the Internet’s real-time operating character, the door for a world social movement is open. For this, the American “IMC” is a good example: the foundation of the media for anti-globalization gave rise to the blooming of the internet-based independent media movement around the globe. In East Asia, “Inmediahk.net” and “Coolloud.org” have a close cooperative relationship with each other for social movement practice. At the observing point of the global development of independent media, we can discover an interesting phenomenon: neo-liberal/laissez-faire/capitalist economy nowadays has been globally developing on the one hand, and the rise of social movement is also globalizing on the other. The practice of the people’s collective movement is no longer restricted within a single region or country, but is carried out through a process of trans-regionalization of social action on the earth – not only can locals get the fresh news about the development of foreign social movements, but can give out their support through internet independent media also. By realizing the trans-regional communication, the foreign/local differentiation of socio-political and economic issues is gradually diminished that all people are able to understand the fact of homogeneity of their living circumstance and to have enough knowledge to think more about how to tackle the common issues collectively. On the scene of globalization, when such communicative interaction between different people develops, the power of the world social movement is to be further strengthened, having the weight to overturn the present politico-economic domination on all humans contributed by world superpowers.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

The Qualitative Influence of the Independent Media (4)

Internet media, as having the character of realizing the rapidity of information propagation, are facilitating a positive development of interaction between social campaign groups and common people, fostering the establishment of a public opinion towards social issues reflection. By using the media, people can share their ideas about reforming the current society and receive direct feedback from others. This approach to deliberations for social development is more flexible than the traditional one: to participate in social movements organized by activists and campaign groups. In addition, the popularization of the use of the Internet actually realizes a no-border communication between different peoples around the globe, actualizing the global transnational connection between social movement organizers and supporters and helping the form of a world social power for world citizens. Therefore, it is noteworthy that to set up and operate an independent media on the Internet becomes one of the workable approaches to social movement practice nowadays.[1]

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

[1] “…perhaps the most dramatic change in social movement organizing in the last few decades has been the impact of the Internet and, more generally, of electronic communication. …Technologies that operate over the Internet offer so many different kinds of support to social movements that it may be reductive to regard them as simply vehicles for ‘message transmission.’ When combined with their implications, digital media have become a partial substitute for traditional forms of social movement organization as well.” See: Tarrow, Sidney G. (2011). Power in Movement: Social Movements and Contentious Politics. New York: Cambridge University. p. 137. “Political action is made easier, faster and more universal by the developing technologies. ICTs (information and communication technologies) lower the costs and obstacles of organizing collective action significantly.” See: Donk, Wim Van De; Loader, Brian D.; Nixon, Paul G.; Rucht, Dieter (2004). Cyberprotest: New Media, Citizens, and Social Movements. New York: Routledge. p. 97. “The Net, we are told, is bringing into being a cottage industry of small independent producers who are sweeping away ‘the monolithic empires of mass media’ (Negroponte, 1996:57). It is generating a new culture that is critical, selective, and participatory. People can pull from the Web and digital media what they want, rather than settling for what is pushed at them (Negroponte, 1996:84). More generally, the Net is engendering an egalitarian, emancipated, and interconnected world – ‘cyberspace’ – that is reconfiguring the offline world in which we live, and making it a better place (Poster, 1997). …It seems worth investigating, therefore, whether the Net makes it easier than before to publish alternative opinions, and also whether Internet technology makes possible new ways of doing journalism.” See: Couldry, Nick; Curran, James (2003). Contesting Media Power: Alternative Media in a Networked World. Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 227-228.

無政府性釋義 (4)

當人受到外在環境的刺激而進入某種特定的精神狀態,創造的本能亦可被激發。例如,創造可以從接觸前人的創造或得知某突發事件的發生而來,這些誘發元素使人產生一種希望將思緒和情感表達出來的原欲。這個創造意念的形構過程往往是創造的一部份。創造的結果通常被稱為「作品」。不僅如此,創造應包含創新的事實。如果只是複製前人的概念,只換上不同的名堂加以充數,此乃係抄襲,其具體行為不能被視為創造。

一種具社會性的創造企圖,其實踐過程必然獲得眾人的迴響、尊重及承認。歷史中,我們發現不少人從己身的政治立場、思想和理念出發從事創造實踐。不過,他們未必得到他人的認同和支持。當然,我們不能以無人認同或少數人認可等判斷作為基礎試圖否定其創造的價值及社會意義。若跳脫「純抽象」的角度去追問創造作為探尋全人類福祉和理想生活的原始動機,對他者的關懷則必須被包含在創造的實踐中。只有真誠地將個體與群體連接起來,創造的完整化才能實現。

(摘自: 無政府與全球化. 台北: 國立政治大學. 2003)

The Qualitative Influence of the Independent Media (3)

Secondly, “Inmediahk.net” and “Coolloud.org” recognize that independent media is playing a fundamental social role in facilitating any grassroots movements and socio-political campaigns developing in civil society. For individual activists, there are several practical approaches to social action practice. For example, they can organize an advocated association or a public campaign group for particular socio-political claim. Also, they can regularly arrange different kinds of social actions, such as street protests, demonstration activities and forum gatherings for public concern development, pressuring the authorities to improve its governance. Although these traditional approaches to social movement practice are generally seen to be useful in pushing socio-political reform, they may have certain pitfalls. For instance, the approaches should be set to be able to accumulate social power to change the current problematic situation of society for people. However, in practice they do not offer enough space for social movement participators to develop their individual thinking, to express their voices for tackling practical issues of social movement running, to reflect upon the nature of their practice as well as to communicate with the activistic groups they support. Under the “flag”, people have just one choice: to participate in (or not). It is difficult to discover other unknown possibilities for the growth of social movement practice.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

The Qualitative Influence of the Independent Media (2)

For example, should an independent media report the “bad” news of the business that is financially supporting the media’s operation? If it decides not to make the news against its sponsor, is it meaning that the media’s original aim for free speech has been tacitly shifted by the dependency of the media? Here is another example: an independent media obtains a funding from a governmental department for its running. Needless to say, the funding can help the media develop its journalistic works within a specific period of time. However, there is still a problem: the funded needs to seek other similar resource for sustaining its operation when the financial support is expired. From this case, we are unable to have sufficient evidence to justify that through this “compromised” approach independent media can effectively expand its progressive influence on the long-term development of social movement practice in the near future.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

The Qualitative Influence of the Independent Media

THROUGH THE ANALYSES of the activism of “Inmediahk.net” and “Coolloud.org”, we understand that the two independent media both have their insistence on their distinctive methodologies of practicing social movement. There are totally three main resemblances between the two independent media’s activism: (1) the media are financially supported by common people, not by the Establishment; (2) the media view their practice as a kind of social movement; (3) their media movements are developing in the context of globalization.

First, the two independent media both have a clear stance on the issue of financial independence: they reject their activism to be “bought up” by the Establishment. This characteristic reflects a basic attitude of the media toward social movement practice. Here, the meaning of being “independent” is definite that it should be embodied in the situation that the operation of independent media is not depended on any institutions or corporations’ financial support. In other words, media activism should not rely on the Establishment, especially the governmental authorities. This shows the two independent media’s anti-Establishment stance, reflecting that the media have a true consciousness of securing the subjectivity of social movement practice. It is illogical if the “independent media” are running under any dominative power they oppose.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

The Difficulties and Challenges (5)

All in all, the two independent media’s social movement practices can be seen as a significant part of anti-globalization movement because they are closely working with many activists who are opposing the negative effects of globalization, especially the economic one. However, it should be noted that the independent media movements in the East Asia are carried out not only for approaching to the end of anti-globalization activism, but for helping establish an ideal society in which all forms of domination, including the economic, political, cultural and social, would be significantly diminished that people’s voices for a better united society, through the independent media, can be heard around the globe. The social activists’ actions on the internet and on the street are becoming a concrete social power to facilitate the progressive development of modernity and civilization in a global context. Before accomplishing the goal of the social movement, it should be remembered that all historical flags, doctrines and ideologies are insignificant when people recognize that they all have the responsibility to work the further development of civilization out with their own hands. The media activism of “Coolloud.org” and “Inmediahk.net” is a good example of telling this fundamental reason.

 

Coolloud.org

The place of the base Taiwan
The year of foundation 1997
The core members of the media Sun Chiung-Li (Sun Qiongli孫窮理) and the correspondent group
The financial resource Civil donation
The representative participations in social movement “Anti-Sweatshop Movement” in 2001;

“Anti-WTO Movement” in 2005;

“Cheval-de-frise Film Festival”

Table 4: The Profile of “Coolloud.org”

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

無政府性釋義 (3)

創造可以被下列幾項條件滿足:一,創造必須依據人己身堅定不移之信念藉以實踐;二,創造容納不同思想產物或物質元素的集成、整理和再生;三,創造的成果需具獨立新穎的特性,並能取得他人的同理和共感。

因人具備創造的本能,能運用並開發其精神及意志─其來自個體生活經驗歷史所累積習得的信念形構,確信不疑地將原本並不「存在」的事或物,以一己之力以不同的行為形式表現在外。換句話說,創造本能的呈現就是所謂的「藝術」,包括音樂、文學、戲劇、繪畫、雕塑、建築等都是例子。當然,創造本能乃是一種潛能。雖然每一個人都具備,但並非每一個人都有意願加以運用。這是一個根本問題的陳述:在於人「做不做」,它與人「有沒有能力去做」無關。

(摘自: 無政府與全球化. 台北: 國立政治大學. 2003)

無政府性釋義 (2)

無政府性就是一種具備阻抗任何宰制企圖的精神性質或反映,其可體現在任何以存有呈現其自身的人、事、物。無政府性包含以下數種反對權力的特質或理念的實踐:

(1) 創造-人以原初本能表達對權力的異議

不論生活在世界上任何地方,人,無論其性別、種族、語言文化、或以各種方式開展其存有的可能條件,都具備創造─一種將不同的物質轉化提升以對應其精神狀態或意欲的品賦和能力。這個過程係從無到有將「作品」催生的勞作。創造本能的存在是一項根本基礎去證成人,作為一個獨立個體,其生命和生活形成歷程應被無條件尊重和正視的憑藉。無論我們將這個命題放在假定或真理的推理脈絡來理解,都能有效。基本上,所謂「文明」實是以肯定人具有創造本能來賦予人之所以為人的基礎價值,它的內涵是這樣被構成論述的。

(摘自: 無政府與全球化. 台北: 國立政治大學. 2003)

無政府性釋義

歷史上,耶穌是否真有其人幾無爭議。不過,在新約聖經中有關耶穌對平民百姓所施展之「神力」等記載一直招惹教徒與非教徒之間的爭議。這種爭議其實沒有意義。因為基督教作為世界宗教,其特性、理論基礎和具體目標在於教義能夠在人心中產生一種堅定的信念本身,而不在於「故事內容」的真實性。如果我們就耶穌的「神力」作自然科學式的數式量化研究實驗,或以歷史學的原理原則去驗證,乃屬搞錯方向。所以,我們應著重於探究耶穌的言談和行為、其所宣揚的教義對於人類精神文明層面的催化、提升和陶成產生什麼樣的作用及影響。這種思考進路應適用於各種人文領域的研究,以彌補折衷現代科學主義對人類社會發展的異化及工具化影響。

終其一生,耶穌基督不僅以人類大愛─如「神愛世人」理論來論證和體現人與人之間確實存在一種休戚相關的人倫關係,祂的生命本質和言行更具有濃厚的「無政府性」。如何理解耶穌的言行促成無政府思想及解放主義理論的成熟發展?耶穌的無政府性為何?在回應這些問題前,我們必須定義何謂無政府性。

(摘自: 無政府與全球化. 台北: 國立政治大學. 2003)

耶穌基督(Jesus Christ)的無政府性

「耶穌的革命的重大意義,我相信是革除舊有的法規,因為舊有法規只對少數把權的統治階級有利。他要使人類的行為法則恢復到自由和愛的純真立場…」[1]

「我想進一步說,這個地球世界是屬於人類和其他萬物共有和存在的,國與國,或鄉鄰之間的意識對抗,將會演成戰爭和打鬥;守舊的主義已成歷史,現在正應該培養天下一家,四海皆兄弟的觀念;耶穌所想改革的,正是那時建立國家強權統治的制度…」[2]

耶穌的藝術/七等生

談及耶穌的言行和教誨,我們必須首先了解基督宗教的發展歷史。在基督教的教義裡,耶穌扮演著無其不可的重要角色:祂是上帝之子、是「人子」、「彌賽亞」。在希伯來宗教文化及猶太教歷史的背景下─從多神至一神性宗教的形成過程中,耶穌成了「道成肉身」的完人典範。祂體現著神(The God)的意志;祂是被上帝派遣至人間,救贖猶太民族乃至全體人類的使者。耶穌的權柄來自神,在宣揚「天國近了!人們應當悔改」的基督教義時,祂更施展異於常人的能力:所到之處,為百姓治病;以神之名平息自然的威脅等,使人對神生信心。透過耶穌的言行,我們可以透視基督教的宗教精神及其具體意涵,並了解其宗教性得以完整確立的根本基礎。

(摘自: 無政府與全球化. 台北: 國立政治大學. 2003)

[1] 參見:七等生(1979)。耶穌的藝術。台北市:洪範。頁77。

[2] 同上,頁112。

The Difficulties and Challenges (4)

Transnational corporations and enterprises are benefited from globalization in expanding their business, so do individual activists and social movement organizations. Their global collective actions, including the online and the offline, are giving more pressure to the whole Establishment that actually serves vested interest groups to do more for people’s well-being. This is one of the main characteristics of anti-globalization movement.

As an active independent media in Asia, “Coolloud.org” acknowledges that using a label, a slogan or a watchword to define its media running is unnecessary, is of no meaning for the development of a new social movement because it would ossify social movement practice in the globalized world. The world society is changing. The nature of present civilization is to be continually forged by the wills, behaviours, and demands of people living in different parts of the world. These people all have their personal history, thinking and idea of structuring a better globe in their particular cultural context. To choose and use a single perspective or ideology to understand or analyze political conflict and social issue may be of an effective approach to social movement development because it could help centralize the attention of people to social happening and accumulate social power. However, this approach would at the same time weaken the distinctiveness and individuality of different majorities as the subject of social movement. The crowd would become a “machine”, serving a fixed principle, to be used by political careerists that it is a historical lesson needed to be learnt. Therefore, to avoid being bound by a single abstract or ideology, as Sun said, can secure the flexibility of social movement development not only in the local but also in the global.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

The Difficulties and Challenges (3)

“Also, most independent media have expressed high-degree concern about globalization issues…. ‘Coolloud.org’ is an experimental media practice connected with various Taiwanese social movements, focusing on carrying out its independent media works in a practical context. In the process of our running, we are trying to integrate our experience with global social activism for opening up a new form of collective social movement practice in the globalized world. Therefore, we participated in the ‘Anti-WTO Movement’ in Hong Kong in 2005. Social activists and NGOs should have a responsibility to push a progressive change of civil society in the globalization era that would be out of their original horizon. ‘Coolloud.org’ is not working under the flag of ‘anti-globalization’. However, we focus on the activistic works worthy to be done in our field and keep reflecting on our strategies for practicing the media social movement in Taiwan.” [1]

“Coolloud.org” is not only working in local society, but at the same time developing its media activism globally. The independent media understands that the changing Taiwanese society is deeply influenced by the ongoing development of globalization. In globalization, the logics of capitalism and materialism are further propagated by political and economic powers in the rest of the world. Under the circumstance, localized or regional politics is gradually not compatible with the rapid change of the globalized world and its relative radical phenomena. Therefore, “Coolloud.org” actively connects its media social movement with various individual activists and NGOs not only in the local but in different countries of the world.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

[1] Ibid.

The Difficulties and Challenges (2)

Sun recognizes that the main difficulty of running the independent media is to make sure that the organization can pay for the correspondents’ labour on the premise that the media members take the responsibilities for completing the media works and maintaining the quality of the news they made. Because of the “sacrifice” of the Coollouders, “Coolloud.org” is able to be operating like a general media currently. However, it should be noted that it is still abnormal that the voluntary devotion of them becomes a necessary “sacrifice”, even though they can participate in various social movements with an independent position that could be a decisive to motivate their commitment to the media project. From Sun’s point of view, the current practice of the media activism is not running on a “feasible” road if the financial problem is not to be solved. To sum up, the independent media is trying to embody the activistic spirit of its movement by taking the following steps: (1) establishing an open media platform to accumulate people’s concern with social and labour issues; (2) collecting positive feedback from supporters (e.g. public donation); (3) developing the media movement further by opening up the possibility of people’s unification for social betterment on the island.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

The Difficulties and Challenges

Therefore, “Coolloud.org” has to face many challenges and difficulties in the course of the independent media movement. These challenges and difficulties are not connected with clarifying what theory or “principle” the media running conforms to, but are related to the practical aspect of the operation of the independent media organization:

“We have to prove that our practice is feasible because ‘Coolloud.org’ is still unable to be self-reliance completely. Now the media’s operation is relying on the ‘sacrifice’ of the Coollouders. As mentioned, there is a huge problem of paying nothing for our correspondents’ works. Therefore, from my point of view, the independent media movement has not been fully justified. The main purpose of our task is to prove our media running is workable by minimizing the amount of our ‘sacrifice’. For example, for the total operation cost we need about 200,000 dollars (NTD) per month. From monthly public donation we can get around $100,000. So, the ideal balance has not been reached yet. However, I know when the balance is reached that we can cover our correspondents’ labour, we have to start to think about how to solve another problem of our practice. At present, the financial problem of our media operation is undoubtedly contributing a huge pressure on our social movement.” [1]

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

[1] Ibid.

基諾無政府哲學思想述評 (2)

再者,基諾的無政府思想為我們開闢一條思考權力何以存在的反思進路-若人可發揮理性以超脫權力桎梏,為何權力仍需存在?自柏拉圖的「理想國」以降,馬基維尼(Niccolò Machiavelli)的殘暴政治論、霍布斯的「自然狀態」學說、洛克(John Locke)及盧梭(Jean-Jacques Rousseau)的社會契約概念、康德(Immanuel Kant)的「憲政共和」達至永久和平、黑格爾(Georg W. F. Hegel)的「絕對精神」國家論,至馬克思(Karl Marx)的無產階級專政,無一不以肯定權力以構築其政治哲學,但基諾以理性建構理想社會的政治方案卻從未被正面回應。其是否意味著西方主要政治哲學皆建基於一項假定:人的「非理性」上?問題只是如何壓制、控管甚至運用「非理性」,而權力應運而生?這不正與權力將人降級為「非人」的思考邏輯一致?與別不同,基諾的理性論哲學不在解釋「權力在場」這個現狀,其直接明示「權力在場」正是造成「權力不在場」的不可能:人的「非理性」的根本原因在於權力的施展和馴化本身,而不是人不具理性;權力的存在正是人「非理性」的總和體現,它怎樣保障「理性」的擴展?基諾對理性的提示係著眼於「權力不在場」的未來,而非為「權力何以在場」提供答案。基諾這種超脫現實政治視野的創進思想為西方近代解放主義思潮的崛起鋪路,在在豐富人類思想文明的內涵和深化。

基諾所建構的無國家政府理想社會需要一種正面的人性論基礎。因為社會社群的構成端賴於人的德行質性。如果基諾認為人的確具備潛能解決各種困難進而擺脫統治者的制約,以自然的品賦架構生命意義,那麼基諾必須提出其論理基礎去證成這項潛能。如上所述,基諾認為人人都有理性,所以一個沒有權力的世界是可欲的。

針對權力對人的負面影響進行反省和批判並不專屬於哲學或人文思想領域。我們發現在世界各宗教中亦有包含反抗權力的思想元素:基督宗教(Christianity)即是一例。在新約聖經裡,耶穌(Jesus Christ)的言行及教誨為我們開示一種政治解放思考的模範,其強調人能發揮休戚相關的潛能且不需權力干預,它的基礎是「上帝」的存在、是愛。

(摘自: 無政府與全球化. 台北: 國立政治大學. 2003)

基諾無政府哲學思想述評

從西方哲學思想發展史來看,基諾所創立的斯多噶學派具有不可忽視的地位,影響著古希臘羅馬哲學思想的演變。究其原因,斯多噶學派哲學的主要內容:包括其形上學及知識論,實是承襲及修正部份犬儒學派(Cynics)及亞理士多德哲學的思考元素,並試圖加以改進、發揮及延伸。在斯多噶學派的思想中,「人如何活;人如何適然地與自然共存」等問題被首先強調和考量,而它的形上學及知識論則相繼被整合在其道德倫理哲學體系中,與傳統古希臘哲學相比並不凸顯。因此,後世哲學家及學者對基諾甚至斯多噶學派的思想評價迥異,多著眼於其折衷、理想主義色彩的哲學思想特性[1],其理於此。

不過,斯多噶學派基諾的學說對無政府思想的奠基有相當重大的意義。基諾的思想內涵不但給予無政府概念得以確立的根本條件,其明確闡述所謂沒有國家政府的理想世界,仔細具體。如同老子所提出的道,其開啟了自然概念在人類思想史的重要地位。在古代西方,基諾以理性作為其人本理論終極支撐點,使人與自然、「上帝」、「宇宙」等概念得以連成一線,藉此架構出斯多噶學派哲學的主要基礎規模。基諾所提出的自然、和諧及休戚相關等概念更成為近代無政府主義者廣為借用的濫觴,影響至鉅。

(摘自: 無政府與全球化. 台北: 國立政治大學. 2003)

[1] “What constituted the Stoic and united all the members of the school was the moral idealism which had been taught long before the times of Zeno by men like Socrates, Plato, and Antisthenes; and their motto was virtue for virtue’s sake.” See: Weber, Alfred (1902). History of Philosophy. Retrieved 2017/6 from: http://www.sophia-project.org/uploads/1/3/9/5/13955288/weber_stoicism.pdf

The Objection to “Principle” (9)

To tackle various difficulties and problems of running the independent media, such as ending the no-pay condition of the media’s correspondents and stabilizing the financial sources of the social movement, etc., is the most urgent priority that is tightly connected with opening up a higher possibility of further development of the independent media for social progress. In the process of the media movement practice, the important points for the Coollouders to keep the media’s objective position, according to Sun, are to make independent news for social incidents and conflicts in an unbiased sense, to reflect on the possibility of the media development case-by-case as well as to avoid giving support to social activistic groups blindly. It could be easy to reach an impasse of the social movement practice if independent media becomes an apparatus to be used to radicalize the confrontation between social activists and the authorities that conforms to a certain kind of social movement “principle” (e.g. the Leftist’s), as the same thinking logic of the political and economic powers attempting to instrumentalize traditional media to mute people’s voices in society. The “war of media” would cause disastrous negative effect on social movement evolution, harming the growth of people’s public consciousness of social concern for the long-term development of Taiwanese society.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)