Anti-Globalization and “Coolloud.org” (3)

From Sun’s point of view, the “Anti-Sweatshop Movement” for the garment workers in the Americas is a representative example of embodying a kind of transnational labour-activist-media cooperation against the power of economic globalization. All movement partakers understood that it was necessary to expose the unjust unfavourable to the workers and to reveal how the garment corporations were profiteering from the global capitalist apparatus. The collective resisting actions exercised by the movement participants could effectively pressure the corporations to do more for the employees’ living standard improvement because the actions would result in a decline of the reputation of the garment brands: consumers had a fair opportunity to decide whether they bought the clothes products when realizing that their buying would become an “indirect support” of the corporations’ exploitation on the garment workers unveiled by the independent media.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

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Anti-Globalization and “Coolloud.org” (2)

In Chapter Two, we have discussed some tactics used by most global capitalists for strengthening their power in the world market and reaching the goal of profit maximization through economic globalization. This is a typical one: for reducing the cost of production, the heads of Taiwanese garment factories invested their capitals in the so-called “developing countries” in the Americas. The manufacturing workers hired by them were unable to improve their lives because the wages were too low to be paid. The factors of such negative situation of the workers were obvious that all can be traced back to the businessmen’s exploitation. Also, the exploited were hard to get substantial help from the authorities because of the globalization of the laissez-faire (non-interference) economic development pushed by world superpowers. For demanding the wage level increase, the labourers carried out a series of demonstrations at that time. Of course, these resisting actions attracted local as well as global citizens to pay more attention to the serious issue related to economic globalization. In the globalized world, social activism groups and independent media are actively working together across the border, willing to support any grassroots actions for human rights and economic freedom by taking part in them and by reporting the ongoing of the social movements, unveiling the greediness of the capitalists and asking more support from different peoples around the world.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

Anti-Globalization and “Coolloud.org”

Besides reporting local labour movements, “Coolloud.org” has been participating in the running of global social activism. To carry out an interactive connection between global social movements and local independent media practice can effectively develop a concrete social power to question and challenge the monopolization of socio-economic resources contributed by the huge capitalist Establishment with a global perspective.

“From 2001 to 2002, we were participating in the running of a global labour movement: many Taiwanese businessmen invested their money in textile industry in Central and South Americas. They exploited the factory workers in the regions and suppressed the activities of local labour unions there. The relative news of the workers’ situation spread to the U.S. and other countries. After that, the ‘Anti-Sweatshop Movement’ broke out globally. This movement aimed to persuade people to boycott the famous garment brands, such as ‘Nike’, ‘Puma’, etc. In Taiwan, ‘Coolloud.org’ carried out a series of works on investigating the financial details of the garment manufacturing factories in the Americas that gave concrete pressure on the bosses to do something ‘constructive’ for the workers. In this case, we actually realized a ‘trio-cooperation (with laborers, movement supporters as well as independent media workers)’ for a labour movement globally. [1]

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

[1] Ibid.

The Social Background of the Beginning of the Media (8)

According to Sun’s words, “Coolloud.org” has no intention to produce the “exclusive”. This situation actually reflects that there is a fundamental problem of the negative impact of today’s media industry on the development of human intelligence: (general) media have the absolute power to control the distribution of knowledge if people completely rely on media for new information without reflection. The media are deciding what we should/can know (or not) in a particular moment. Sun, in the above paragraph, has offered a good example of this: for the boss of the can-food factory in Xizhi it could be no benefit of letting more people know the details about the confrontation between him and his employees because the exploited would probably gain more support that was opposed to his interest. The key is the media’s cooperation for helping the employer conceal (not unveil) the happening. No media covering the strike reflects that there is a collapse tendency of the professionalism of general media in Taiwan, showing that the media are working distant from taking the social responsibility to give out a true picture of the daily life of people, evidencing their orientation of conforming to capitalists’ interest and the important role of independent media in facilitating the people’s right to know.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

The Social Background of the Beginning of the Media (7)

“We have no intention to distinguish ourselves from general media through our journalistic practice. In fact, there is no media to concentrate on reporting labour and social movements. Because of this, our news reports usually become the ‘exclusive’.” [1]

“We had delivered, for example, the news of a labour strike carried out by can-food workers in Xizhi (汐止), Taipei. This strike was going on for about 100 days; however, no media covered it. The striking was the second-longest labour resistance in the history of Taiwan labour movement.” [2]

Here, “Coolloud.org” plays a main role in fostering the progression of Taiwanese social movement because it sticks with its industrious media works in society. Thanks to the mainstream having less interest in delivering the news of social incidents and of people’s livelihood, the reporting of the independent media is usually to have its “exclusive” nature.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

[1] The content of the passage is extracted from the “Sun’s interview”.

[2] Ibid.

Abstract: Anarchy and Globalisation – The Significance of Anarchy in the Development of Global Politics, Economy and Community

Anarchy is an important humanist thought of revealing political power is always making people believe in its absoluteness through history making. Anarchy opposes all forms of domination, because domination is the very root of the alienation of human life contributed by the ruling top, whatever the form of the power, the oligarchic, aristocratic, communistic, democratic, is. Contrary to the political philosophies endorsed by the absolute, anarchy argues the so-called “government” is the only Establishment serving the vested interest blocs on earth. From the ancient to the globalised eras, the essence of the power is never changed: through the “wars” in every aspect of human civilization: the religious, economic, racial, etc., the power can have the “holy” pretext to accumulate its dominative energy by monopolising all kinds of natural and human resources to solidify its absoluteness against the empty “enemy”.

This study contains, first, the discussions on the origins of the anarchist thinking – Laozi’s Taoism, Zeno of Citium’s anarchistic thinking and Jesus Christ’s libertarianism. Secondly, P. Kropotkin and P. J. Proudhon’s socio-economic anarchisms will be analysed and reviewed. The relationship between anarchy and today’s globalised world is to be thirdly examined with U. Beck’s theory on globalisation and the perspective of anti-globalisation movement. In conclusion, we argue an anarchistic nature of human life is already existed, waiting for us to find out our unique answer to the civilisation problems “with our hands”.

Keywords: anarchy, anarchism, globalization

CONTENTS

The Social Background of the Beginning of the Media (6)

In politico-economic aspect, the blooming of the democratic politics and economic achievement (e.g. the “Ten Major Construction Projects十大建設”[1]) caused most Taiwanese people to believe in the positive image of the state development and to ignore the seriousness of social problem deterioration. The inner pressure of the society was exploding: in 1999, many social incidents occurred in Taiwan. The incidents aroused common people to think more about their real relationship with the problematical society. Under this social circumstance, “Coolloud.org”, as a social movement information centre, had a good opportunity to further its activistic power, attracting and accumulating people’s concern and attention to the happenings. The series of the incidents facilitated the evolution of “Coolloud.org” as a new media especially for social movement in the vicissitude period. Since then, “Coolloud.org” has started its local activism earlier than the eminent rise of the “independent media” in the West.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

[1] “During the 1970s, the (Taiwan) governmental implemented the Ten Major Construction Projects, including the North-South Freeway (中山高速公路), Suao Harbour (蘇澳港), Taichung Harbour (台中港), railway electrification (鐵路電氣化), the Taoyuan International Airport (桃園國際機場), and the North-Link Railway (北迴鐵路) (fig. 6.3). These projects affected the distribution of population. The North-South Freeway and railway electrification projects link all the major cities along the west coast of Taiwan, shorten travel times between the north and the south, and promote Taiwan’s economic and social development. The North-link Railway gives the eastern part of the island better access to the Taipei Metropolitan Area, facilitating eastern out-migration. Taichung Harbour facilitates the import and export of materials and products for Taichung’s industrial development.” See: Lo, Fu-chen, Yeung, Yue-man (1996). Emerging World Cities in Pacific Asia. Tokyo: United Nations University. p. 194.

The Social Background of the Beginning of the Media (5)

“In the 1990s, there was a deteriorating tendency of the development of social movement in Taiwan. However, 1999 was a special year – it was the last year before the presidential election in 2000. A wave of local social movement at the time had been forming that was contributed by a series of happenings: the resistance of sex workers in Taipei city against the illegalization of prostitution (廢娼) obtaining a two-year buffer period for job seeking; the Idn-News (自立晚報) to cease to be run; the rise of Anti-Building Reservoir Movement in Meinong (美濃); a huge street protest held by Chunghwa Telecom (中華電信) employees; Legislative Yuan giving a formal endorsement of the construction of the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant (核四) and the ‘921 Earthquake’, etc. These social and political incidents occurring in the whole year actually fostered the growth of ‘Coolloud.org’. At the end of this year, we had become a media which had a clear perspective on social movement and activism that was different from other media. After that, we only knew the term ‘independent media’ from the ‘Anti-WTO Movement’ in Seattle in 1999.” [1]

Sun argues that the development of social movement on the Island was relatively stagnant in the 1990s. This observation is quite right. The stagnation mentioned was connected with the political climate and economic development of Taiwanese society at that time.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

[1] The content of the passage is extracted from the “Sun’s interview”.

The Social Background of the Beginning of the Media (4)

Every person should have their own idea and judgment on the meaningfulness of social movement. If people discover that particular media do not take the responsibility for delivering the reality of the happening with conscience for their judgment formation, they would simply change their tune, searching for other alternatives which are offering correspondent reporting; or, the distorted made by the “mainstream” would on the contrary ignite people to support the social movement development wrongly reported (by actively attending the occasion for example). Through this practice, the voluntary supporters have an opportunity to build up a relatively deeper understanding on the actual development of a particular movement. This “for-the-reality” motive force can be further developed: some would try to tell others what they have known, heard and experienced in the action process by establishing a public media platform for free information delivering. This desire of idea sharing is a pure social instinct of seeking the real and receiving recognition that can be practiced by every individual, originating the practice of independent media movement in society.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

The Social Background of the Beginning of the Media (3)

For example, they can “adjust” the news content and distort the actual aim of particular social movement with their partial understanding for “specific purpose”[1]. In the above case, Sun, as one of the news audience, did not agree with the reporting attitude of mainstream media toward the labour movement, arguing that the negative description of the bus drivers’ strike (e.g. an “act of violence”) reported by the media is irresponsible that would seriously affect common people’s thinking on the social incident. Also, it is imaginable that if these media have intention to smear the bus drivers’ action, they can exaggerate the possible negative influence of the strike on people’s living in their reports, emphasizing the drivers are “exploiting” the rights of bus passengers and “corrupting” the traffic in the striking areas, etc.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

[1] Here is an example showing what a partial reporting is. Please see the BBC News “Lib Dems refuse to back motion praising PM’s EU stance” (Retrieved 14 December, 2011, from the BBC News website: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-16172438). Through the news report, we are unable to understand the exact meaning of the so-called “national interest” mentioned. Moreover, the media does not explain the importance of the “national interest” and the close relationship between the interest and British people. Obviously, in the reporting context “national interest” is an ideology used by the media to direct people’s thinking because the weighty information such as the background of the forming of the concept and the basic theory of the “Euroscepticism” held by the Prime Minister that can help the audience to construct their own political judgment are all skipped to be offered. This example shows media are “adjusting” their reporting for “some particulars”. According to the above analysis, we can understand how mainstream media produce partial reports, explaining the inevitable rise of the practice of independent media movement around the world.

The Social Background of the Beginning of the Media (2)

The rise of the practice of independent media movement is commonly connected with the happening of socio-political incident. For instance, the foundation of the IMC was triggered by “the U.S. Anti-WTO Movement” in 1999; “Inmediahk.net” was founded under the political pressure over Hong Kong society from China, related to the “Anti-Article 23 Legislation Movement” in 2003. The same logic is applied to the establishment of “Coolloud.org”: the misreporting of the “Strike of United Bus Drivers” directly provoked Sun into making independent news for the labour strike and launching an independent media platform on the internet for social movement, called “Coolloud.org”. From this case, we not only reconfirm the close relationship between people’s movement and socio-political happenings, but understand that the attitude of mainstream media toward any social actions reflected a serious problem of how media play a decisive role in manipulating the forming of an artificial public opinion against the truth, showing that it is very possible that media are to be run for serving the interest of vested interests, not for delivering the reality.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

The Social Background of the Beginning of the Media

Sun Chiung-Li, the founder of “Coolloud.org”, mentions that the exact year of the media’s establishment was in 1997, earlier than that of the American Independent Media Center:

“They (the members of the ‘IMC’) started their independent media works after us: ‘Coolloud.org’ was founded in 1997. However, the ‘IMC’ became a global focus of media social movement because the media took the initiative to support the ‘Anti-WTO Movement’ in Seattle in 1999. There were about two years between our establishment and their rise. Since 1999, we have been developing as a matured media organization. From the late 1998 to the early 1999, we settled down the main developing direction of ‘Coolloud.org’…. In 1998, the ‘Strike of United Bus (統聯客運) Drivers’ [1] broke out. But, the attitude of Taiwanese mainstream media toward the strike angered me a lot: the news written by the media contained no sympathy for the bus drivers and misreported the aim of the strike. For example, the drivers made blockades around terminal bus stations to stop their buses to be driven out. However, the mainstream described such action as an ‘act of violence’! After that, we started making our independent news reports and commentaries for social movements on our media platform.[2]

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

[1] “Bus drivers working for the private bus company ‘United Bus’ carried out a series of strike actions today. Because of the reduction of basic wage level, the abnormal over-time working requirement and the unreasonable accountability for traffic accident compensation, a hundred of bus drivers participated in the strikes in Taichung (台中) and Kaohsiung (高雄). Some drivers in Kaohsiung said that the company decides not only to reduce the basic wage level to about 12,000 dollars (NTD) per month that is lower than the minimum wage regulation, but also to practice a new over-time working rule with a point-counting system that all bus drivers need to complete ‘105 points’ of over-time working hours a week. If the points are not accomplished, the drivers will be paid just 10 dollars for each point of the over-time working hours. These will let the drivers have no time to sleep. In addition, the company dismantled the assisting brake system of the current buses just for saving money for new bus purchase. This would directly cause an increase of traffic accident rate. The bus drivers, according to current laws, have to pay off the compensation bills connected with the accidents happened. The whole working condition made the drivers’ life harder and harder.” Retrieved 1 November, 2011, from the Chinese Television System (CTS) News website:
http://news.cts.com.tw/cts/general/199811/199811230021846.html

[2] The content of the passage is extracted from the “Sun’s interview”.

休戚相關與理性

“Natural man is an individual and social being. …Zeno believed that together with the instinct of self-preservation which leads to egoism, there is also a social instinct which makes us join others and co-operate for the common good.”[1]

自然人不僅只是單獨個體,其更是具備群體意識的社會份子。基諾認為,除了擁有建基於自我保存[2]的利己思維之外,人更可發揮一種社群生活建構的本能。這種本能將使所有人參與彼此的事務,並為促進共同的福祉和利益攜手合作。在此,基諾點出無政府思想發展的另一個重要基礎─人倫關係中休戚相關(solidarity)的作用。

(摘自: 無政府與全球化. 台北: 國立政治大學. 2003)

[1] Ibid.

[2] 及後,「自我保存」(self-preservation)被英國哲學家霍布斯(Thomas Hobbes, 1588-1679)所繼承,用以進一步解釋人類行為的基本原理原則。

順從與和諧 (5)

由此可見,和諧的達成與權力毫無關係。正因為和諧概念具備這種人本實踐的特性,其成為古典無政府思想賴以進一步發展的主要基礎元素。為何和諧並非「命定論」,因為達致和諧的過程中思考主體必須有意識地反省自身外在行為的可能影響、不足甚至缺失。這是一種具體的道德規範,其無從以政治力由上而下去貫徹,只可由所有人以平等的存有條件去漸進成就。透過探究「上帝」的特性、透過與自然或「他者」的協調共存、透過對理性和智慧的確切運用,人將可遠離私利和意欲,權力擁有者的意志亦無從施展,使我們重新與每一個人建立正面積極且休戚相關的聯繫,並使這種聯繫成為保障我們既有生活的根本基礎。基諾主張自然律的地位凌駕人為法律,並鼓吹以「自然」作為人外在行為的準繩,其理於此。

(摘自: 無政府與全球化. 台北: 國立政治大學. 2003)

The Main Works of the Media (13)

The members of “Coolloud.org”, under such circumstance, have to complete their journalistic works through social action participation, closely working with local pressure groups and NGOs as active agents of social movement. By conforming to the spirit of the “media of social movement, the social movement of media”, the “Coollouders” integrate themselves into social activist current for supporting the grassroots and telling the stories rare to be told by the mainstream. On the confronting scene, they faithfully record the happening, making photographic materials and writing news reports with their perspective and posting all of the contents on the media internet platform for the people who want to know more about the real development of various social movements. The practice approach of the independent media movement – “Coolloud.org” embodies the fundamental principle of social activism with the strategies of mobility and flexibility, fighting against the power structure built up by the authorities and mass media in Taiwanese society.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

The Main Works of the Media (12)

The already-formed disadvantageous circumstance for the practice of the independent media movement is actually a social outcome representing the functioning of the Establishmental power structure contributed by two interest parties – the government and the “mainstream media”. These two parties are well integrated as a huge interest entity, narrowing down the social room for people to speak out and to know the truth by participating in media activism. This is a typical operating manner of the interest mechanism: the official authorizes the media willing to help promote the “achievements” of its governance and water down the seriousness of different social issues for the stability of the authorities’ ruling. This intentional use of political power of the government legally creates the so-called “mainstream media”, which is used to monopolize the whole media circumstance in society. In such operating process, any “uncooperative” news makers, including citizen reporters and independent media correspondents, would be filtered out. It is obvious that no specific relationship between the government and independent media will be built (such as the mainstream’s case) because the media activists are always the “uncooperatives”, working for the people’s right to know that is not welcome by the ruling.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

The Main Works of the Media (11)

On the other side, the integration of political power and media structuring in the capitalist Taiwanese society is also influential in moulding a flattened social circumstance, in which common people are not encouraged to have their voice in the public, let alone create an alternative media for promoting the socio-political reality unfavourable to the Establishment’s interest if more people would disbelieve mainstream media because of that practice. It explains why the practice of independent media movement would not be recognized generally. According to this social ecology, it is a fact that Taiwanese people have little room to speak out that this situation is what “Coolloud.org” wants to turn around. Therefore, in this context, “Coolloud.org” can be understood as a social movement supporting party, not just a media. The dual status of the “Coollouders”, as reporter and social movement participant, is a strategic design of facilitating their media activism under the circumstance of “not being recognized as ‘journalist’” made by the Establishment.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

The Main Works of the Media (10)

From this revealing, we can understand that the “Coollouders” not to be recognized as “reporter” by the official is a serious issue deterring the media activists to obtain first-hand news materials for their social movement project. It is complicated that all factors of the forming of this phenomenon are to be clarified. However, one of the factors may be that there is a lack of general understanding on the social role of independent media – the people’s media for people themselves. Even though the governmental has certain knowledge of this media, it would not have an open attitude to such practice because it is hard to effectively control “the media’s activities” by current laws. For covering up this cause, many pretexts could be propagated: the independent media “reporters”, for example, are not “professional enough” because of their lack of journalistic discipline[1].

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

[1] In the article “The Practice, Inspiration and Limitation of Working as Citizen Reporter (公民記者的實踐、啟發與限制)”, Liu Chung Po (Liu Zhongbo劉忠博), an Adjunct Lecturer of the Department of Journalism, Shih Hsin University (世新大學) interviews a citizen reporter Lin Ching Tang (Lin Jingtang林靖堂), who shares his experience that: “Most people working for the Establishment would suspect me when I call myself ‘citizen reporter’. Security guards always ask me to show my name card or press permit in working fields, but I do not have the document. According to my experience, the title ‘graduate student’ (at the time Lin is studying at Fu Jen University輔仁大學) is more useful than ‘citizen reporter’. This fact reflects that our society is a serious lack of knowledge of ‘citizen reporter’. It is easy to get into trouble when I call myself ‘citizen reporter’ in official areas. Therefore, it is necessary to flexibly use my status when ‘citizen reporter’ is not recognized. Perhaps as a concept ‘citizen reporter’ is well-known in academia, but not in practical circumstance. ‘Citizen reporter? We don’t know it.’ This is a common reply from general media workers. Because I am always present in media conferences, most media workers recognize me. However, they see me as a ‘junior’, not a ‘citizen reporter’.” See: Liu, Chung Po (2009). The Practice, Inspiration and Limitation of Working as Citizen Reporter. Communication Research Newsletter, 57, p. 17.

The Main Works of the Media (9)

Besides, the operation of “Coolloud.org” has another problem related to the interactive relationship between the media and the local society: Does the society recognize the social status of the independent media members as “journalist” generally? How do the “Coollouders” interact with the Establishment when interviewing? If difficulties come out, for example, they are not recognized as “journalist”, what are the possible strategies of the “Coollouders” to complete their works?

“The authorities have made many regulations to manage journalists working in government buildings and official areas. There is a formal procedure for all media to follow: they have to initially submit official documents to relative governmental units or departments, noticing and declaring that ‘the ones are reporters hired by the media’. Then, the officials would issue press permits for the media workers if no problem. Actually, we are the ‘correspondents of social movement’, not working for general media companies. So, we have our strategies: for example, when a group of protesters demonstrates for their claims and arrives at the place outside the building of Legislative Yuan (立法院), our covering works would be proceeding around or in the building. When the protesters enter the main entrance of the building for further demonstrating action, we would at the same time follow the crowd’s moving, maximizing the possibility of getting the first-hand data based on the on-going situation. We are not recognized by the authorities as ‘report’ or ‘journalist’.”[1]

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)

[1] Ibid.

The Main Works of the Media (8)

For social movement initiators and organizers, the “Coollouders” can be seen as the supporters of their actions who identify their claims. As the participants of social movements, the members of “Coolloud.org” are willing to help the activists to accumulate people’s concern and to strengthen their social power by supporting their movements publicly (e.g. to chant slogans, to break through police cordons, etc). However, the “Coollouders” do have a consciousness not to use the name “reporter of Coolloud.org” to take part in any social movements or collective campaigns: “Coolloud.org” is not a civil association, NGO or pressure group, but an independent media for people’s actions on social justice and equality in the local. This is the core character of the Taiwanese independent media. Therefore, we discover that the significance of the solidarity support given by the media’s members is twofold: one, it works as a concrete action backing social movements; two, it becomes a main motive of the correspondents of “Coolloud.org” for continuing their media works, even if the “personal sacrifice” must be made.

(See: The Theory and Practice of Anti-Globalization Movement: Case Studies of the Independent Media in the Chinese Societies – Hong Kong and Taiwan. Bonn: Bonn University. 2014)